| [ Politics ] in KIDS 글 쓴 이(By): Ecomy ( *황진하*) 날 짜 (Date): 1996년03월24일(일) 16시44분30초 KST 제 목(Title): 출마자 연령분포... 죄송...지난 번에 올린 내용이 약간 틀리네요... 최연소 출마자가 국민회의라는 내용을 잘못 읽었습니다.. 그럼 제대로된 자료를 올리죠.. 4당의 공천자들을 살펴보면 평균연령이 신한국당 55.7살 국민회의 51.2살 자민련 50.3살 민주당 47.7살 입니다.. 아궁 죄송해요..잘못된 자료를 올려서..그럼..다시 또 살피러..이만 저만.. 참 그냥 심심해서..하나 올립니다...붙여서... Ex-presidents on trial in South Korea Uneasy lies the head THE district court in southern Seoul has become the unhappy meeting-place for two childhood friends and army colleagues who went on to rule South Korea for 13 years. Dressed in the grey uniform of common criminals, two ex- presidents, Chun Doo Hwan and Roh Tae Woo, stand side by side in the dock to answer charges of treason and military rebellion. the only concession to their status is that they are not handcuffed and bound, like the other former generals being tried alongside them. On the face of it, the trial of the ex-presidents signals a remarkable transformation in South Korea, which succembed to more than a decade of army-backed rule after the coup of 1979. But for South Korea's current, civilian president, Kom Young Sam, who has carefully orchestrated the campaign against his military predecessors, the moment of triumph is falling flat. For all his promises to "right the wrongs of history" and consolidate a new era of civilian democracy, President Kim's standing with the Korean public is at a low ebb. His ruling New Korea Praty is widely expected to lose its majority in the election for the National Assembly on April 11th, threatening to render the president a lame duck for the remaining 20 months of his five-year term. The trial itself is popular enough. The generals may have acquired a degree of legitimacy in the 1980s by presiding over the most spectacular economic growth in South Korean history. But public sympathy evaporated last year, with revelations that they had acquired hundreds of millions of dollars in illegal slush funds during their terms in office. President Kim, however, is not getting the credit for the trial because his action against the generals smacks of political expediency rather than principle. Critics say his promise to correct historical wrongs would be more believable were it not applied to everyone but himself: he has declined to give a full account of his own dealings with the old doldiers, and the twists and turns of his own political carrer leave many unanswered questions. After all, an essential step in Mr Kim's rise to power was his decision to abandon his opposition colleagues in 1990 and merge with the ruling party then led by president Roh. He doggedly defended his military allies from prosecution until late last year. Then he abruptly changed his mind, in the face of a corruption scandal that was threatening to overwhelm his administration. The president is still refusing to answer persistent allegations that his election campaign in 1992 was largely financed by the ill-gotten gains of his predecessors. A straightforward explanation and apology last year might have won him some sympathy. It is probably now too late. The strong defence put up by the ex-presidents is not helping Mr Kim. The defendants are defiant, alleging that they are victims of a campaign that has nothing to do with history and everything to do with politics. Defence lawyers argue that if past military governments were illegitimate, as the prosecution argues, then the legality of the current administration must also be open to question. The voters will soon get the chance to deliver their verdict. Mr Kim took a gamble by taking his predecessors before the courts. Of he reaps no reward at the polls, he may be dangerously weakened. He could, in any event, have longer-term worries. Shocking ghough it is to Confucian sensibilities, South Koreans have become accustomed to the sight of ex-presidents in the dock. Mr Kom may have to face the prospect of being succeeded by a vengeful opponent. by The Economist |